Gouskova, Maria. 2002. Exceptions to sonority generalizations. In CLS 38: The Main Session. Papers from the 38th Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society. April 25-27, Chicago: CLS. pp. 253-268.
Many apparent exceptions to sonority sequencing generalizations follow from the interaction of markedness and faithfulness constraints with the Syllable Contact hierarchy, as expected in OT. I consider evidence from Icelandic, where sequences with the same sonority distance syllabify differently. The predictions of this model are borne out in Icelandic: the inconsistent behavior of sequences that should form a class based on sonority alone results from constraints orthogonal to Syllable Contact.